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Arriva il 'cattolico' Obama

(Dal New York Times)
CHICAGO — In a meeting room under Holy Name 
Cathedral, a rapt group of black Roman Catholics l
istened as Barack Obama, a 25-year-old community 
organizer, trained them to lobby their fellow delegates 
to a national congress in Washington on issues like
 empowering lay leaders and attracting more believers.
“He so quickly got us,” said Andrew Lyke, a participant
 in the meeting who is now the director of the Chicago
 Archdiocese’s Office for Black Catholics. The group
 succeeded in inserting its priorities into the congress’s
 plan for churches, Mr. Lyke said, and “Barack Obama
 was key in helping us do that.”
By the time of that session in the spring of 1987,
Mr. Obama — himself not Catholic — was already
well known in Chicago’s black Catholic circles. He
had arrived two years earlier to fill an organizing
position paid for by a church grant, and had spent
his first months here surrounded by Catholic pastors
and congregations. In this often overlooked period of
the president’s life, he had a desk in a South Side parish
 and became steeped in the social justice wing of the
church, which played a powerful role in his political
formation.



Photo

Mr. Obama's organizing job was paid for by a church grant, and he spent his first months in Chicago surrounded by Catholic pastors and congregations.CreditJoe Wrinn/Harvard University, via Associated Press

This Thursday, Mr. Obama
will meet with Pope Francis
at the Vatican after a three-
decade divergence with the
church. By the late 1980s,
the Catholic hierarchy had
taken a conservative turn
that de-emphasized social
engagement and elevated
the culture wars that would
eventually cast Mr. Obama
as an abortion-supporting
enemy. Mr. Obama, who went
on to find his own faith with
the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright
Jr.’s Trinity United Church of
Christ, drifted from his youthful, church-backed activism to
become a pragmatic politician
and the president with a terrorist “kill list.” The meeting this
week is a potential point of confluence.
A White House accustomed to archbishop antagonists
hopes the president will find a strategic ally and kindred
spirit in a pope who preaches a gospel of social justice 
and inclusion. Mr. Obama’s old friends in the priesthood
pray that Francis will discover a president freed from
concerns about re-election and willing to rededicate
himself to the vulnerable.
But the Vatican — aware that Mr. Obama has far more
 to gain from the encounter than the pope does, and
wary of being used for American political consumption
— warns that this will hardly be like the 1982 meeting
at which President Ronald Reagan and Pope John Paul II
agreed to fight Communism in Eastern Europe.
“We’re not in the old days of the great alliance,” said
a senior Vatican official who was granted anonymity to
speak frankly about the mind-set inside the Holy See.
While Mr. Obama’s early work with the church is “not
 on the radar screen,” the official said, his recent
arguments with American bishops over issues of
religious freedom are: Catholic leaders have objected 
to a provision in the administration’s health care law 
that requires employers to cover contraception costs, 
and have sharply questioned the morality of the 
administration’s use of drones to fight terrorism.
As in many reunions, expectations, and the possibility for disappointment, run high.


Pho

A Fast Learner
In 1967, as the modernizing changes of the Second Vatican Council began to transform the Catholic world, Ann Dunham, Mr. Obama’s mother, took her chubby 6-year-old son occasionally to Mass and enrolled him in a new Catholic elementary school in Jakarta, Indonesia, called Santo Fransiskus Asisi. At school, the future president began and ended his days with prayer. At home, his mother read him the Bible with an
anthropologist’s eye.
Pious he was not. “When it came time to pray,
I would pretend to close my eyes, then peek
around the room,” Mr. Obama wrote in his
memoir “Dreams From My Father.” “Nothing
happened. No angels descended. Just a parched
old nun and 30 brown children, muttering words.”
In 1969, Mr. Obama transferred to a more exclusive,
state-run school with a mosque, but a development
in the United States would have a greater impact
on his future career. American Catholic bishops
responded to the call of the Second Vatican Council
to focus on the poor by creating what is now known
as the Catholic Campaign for Human Development,
an antipoverty and social justice program that became
one of the country’s most influential supporters of
grass-roots groups.
By the early 1980s, when Mr. Obama was an
undergraduate at Columbia University, the campaign
was financing a project to help neighborhoods after
the collapse of the steel mills near Chicago. The
program’s leaders, eager to expand beyond Catholic
parishes to the black Protestant churches where more
of the affected community worshiped, sought an
African-American for the task. In 1985, they found
one in Mr. Obama, a fledgling community organizer
in New York who answered a want ad for a job with
the Developing Communities Project. The faith-based
 program aimed to unify South Side residents against
unsafe streets, poor living conditions and political
neglect. Mr. Obama’s salary was less than $10,000 a year.



Photo

Mr. Obama had a small office on the ground floor of the church.CreditTaylor Glascock for The New York Times

The future president arrived
in Chicago with little
knowledge of Catholicism
other than the Graham
Greene novels and
“Confessions” of St. Augustine
he had read during a period
of spiritual exploration at
Columbia. But he fit seamlessly
into a 1980s Catholic cityscape
forged by the spirit of Vatican II,
the influence of liberation theology and the progressivism of Cardinal Joseph L. Bernardin, the archbishop of Chicago,
who called for a “consistent ethic of life” that wove life
and social justice into a “seamless garment.”
On one of his first days on the job, Mr. Obama heard
Cardinal Bernardin speak at an economic development
meeting. He felt like a Catholic novice there, he wrote
in his memoir, and later decided “not to ask what a
catechism was.” But he was a quick study.
“He had to do a power analysis of each Catholic church,
” said one of his mentors at the time, Gregory Galluzzo,
a former Jesuit priest and disciple of the organizer Saul
Alinsky. Mr. Obama, Mr. Galluzzo said, soon understood
the chain of command and who had influence in
individual parishes.
Mr. Obama had a small office with two cloudy glass-
block windows on the ground floor of Holy Rosary,
a handsome red brick parish on the South Side, where
he would pop down the hall to the office of the Rev.
William Stenzel, raise a phantom cigarette to his lips
and ask, “Want to go out for lunch?” Besides sneaking
smoke breaks with the priest on the roof, Mr. Obama
listened to him during Mass. “He was on an exposure
curve to organized religion,” Father Stenzel said.
The future president’s education included evangelizing.
Mr. Obama often plotted strategy with the recent
Catholic convert who had hired him, Gerald Kellman,
about how to bring people into the program and closer
to the church. The effort to fill the pews “was what
Bernardin really bought into,” Mr. Kellman said.


Photo

To expand congregations as well as the reach of his organizing program, Mr. Obama went to Holy Ghost Catholic Church in South Holland, Ill., to ask Wilton D. Gregory, an African-American bishop and a rising star in the hierarchy, for a grant for operating costs. Archbishop Gregory, who now leads the Archdiocese of Atlanta, recalled Mr. Obama as
a persuasive man who “wanted to engage the
people of the neighborhood.” He recommended
that Cardinal Bernardin release the funds.
As the months went on, Mr. Obama became a familiar
face in South Side black parishes. At Holy Angels Church, considered a center of black Catholic life, he talked to
the pastor and the pastor’s adopted son about finding
families willing to adopt troubled children. At Our
Lady of the Gardens, he attended peace and black
history Masses and conferred with the Rev. Dominic
Carmon on programs to battle unemployment and
violence. At the neo-Gothic St. Sabina, he struck up
a friendship with the Rev. Michael L. Pfleger, the
firebrand white pastor of one of the city’s largest black
parishes. The two would huddle in a back room and
commiserate about the liquor stores and payday loan
businesses in the neighborhood.
But even as Mr. Obama effectively proselytized for
the church and its role in improving the community,
and even as he opened meetings in the backs of
churches with the Lord’s Prayer and showed a
comfort with faith that put the people he hoped
to organize at ease, Catholic doctrine did not tempt
him. He was not baptized Catholic, priests said.
But it was amid the trappings of Catholicism,
according to his fellow organizers, that the future
president began to express a spiritual thirst.
As Mr. Obama helped expand the program from
Catholic parishes to megachurches and Protestant
congregations, he felt that need slaked by the
prevailing black liberation theology, inspired by
the civil rights movement and preached by African-
American ministers like Mr. Wright of Trinity. The
notion that Jesus delivered salvation to communities
that expressed faith through good deeds suited Mr.
Obama’s instincts — and perhaps his interests.
For an ambitious black politician, Mr. Galluzzo said,
“it was not politically advantageous to be in a Catholic
church.”



Photo

Cardinal Francis GeorgeCreditAlessandro Bianchi/Reuters

Mr. Obama nevertheless
maintained his Catholic
connections, so much so
that when he turned up
in the basement of the
Holy Name complex in
1987, “there was a need
to clarify” that he was not
a member of the flock,
said the Rev. David Jones,
who was at the meeting.
And some members still
tried to draw him in, in more
ways than one.
“He was a man of integrity, very much to my disappointment,
” joked Cynthia Norris, then the director of the Chicago Archdiocese’s black Catholics office, who found the
young Mr. Obama appealing. The future president,
who was dating another woman, did turn to Ms. Norris
for a Harvard Law School recommendation, and kept in touch during a trip to Europe in 1988.
“I wander around Paris, the most beautiful, alluring,
maddening city I’ve ever seen; one is tempted to chuck
the whole organizing/political business and be a painter”
on the banks of the Seine, Mr. Obama scribbled to Ms.
Norris, along with “Love, Barack,” on one side of a postcard. On the other was a picture of the Cathedral of Notre-Dame.
A Partnership Falters
Mr. Obama entered Harvard in 1988, the same year he
was baptized at Trinity, the power church of Chicago’s
black professional class. Trinity served Mr. Obama well
through his dizzying political ascent, which coincided
with a period in which black Catholic churches in Chicago
closed and the hierarchy shifted away from the progressive
social engagement that had characterized Mr. Obama’s
early years here.



Photo

Cynthia Norris, then the director of the Chicago Archdiocese’s black Catholics office, wrote Mr. Obama a Harvard Law School recommendation, and kept in touch during a trip to Europe in 1988. CreditGabriella Demczuk/The New York Times

In 1997, the year Mr. Obama was sworn in as an Illinois state senator, Cardinal Francis George succeeded Cardinal Bernardin as archbishop of Chicago. One of the church’s leading conservative intellectuals, called “Francis the Corrector” by local liberal priests, Cardinal George was emblematic of the bishops installed by John Paul II and his successor, Benedict XVI. Some of them looked with skepticism at the social justice
wing that had financed Mr. Obama’s organizing efforts,
and later sought to block his election as president by
suggesting that Catholics could not in good conscience
vote for a candidate who supported abortion rights.
Mr. Obama still won the Catholic vote in 2008. In his
campaign, he had held out the goal of finding common
ground between supporters and opponents of abortion
rights, chiefly by reducing unintended pregnancies and
increasing adoptions. Cardinal George quickly dashed
those hopes. “The common good can never be adequately incarnated in any society when those waiting to be born
can be legally killed at choice,” he said in November
2008 in his opening address as president of the
United States Conference of Catholic Bishops.
Mr. Obama, seeking to avoid confrontation with the
church, invited Cardinal George to the White House
in March 2009; said at a news conference that April
that abortion rights were “not my highest legislative
priority”; and told graduates at the University of Notre
Dame in May, after some initial boos from the crowd,
that Cardinal Bernardin had touched “my heart and
mind.” He recalled his years in Chicago’s Catholic
parishes and said that after branching out to work
with other Christian denominations, “I found myself
drawn not just to the work with the church; I was drawn
to be in the church.”
Two months later, speaking to reporters from Catholic
publications, he said again that the Campaign for Human Development and Cardinal Bernardin had inspired him.
“I think that there have been times over the last decade
or two where that more holistic tradition feels like it’s
gotten buried under the abortion debate,” he said.
Church leaders were unimpressed. A week after his
session with Catholic reporters, Mr. Obama met
with Benedict, who pointedly offered him a Vatican
document on bioethics that condemned abortion and
stem cell research. The relationship deteriorated further
during Mr. Obama’s push for health care reform,
specifically the provision on contraception, which
will be argued before the Supreme Court on Tuesday.



Photo

Mr. Obama sent a postcard to Ms. Norris when he visited Paris in the summer of 1988.CreditGabriella Demczuk/The New York Times

Still, Mr. Obama had not lost all his friends in the
church. As the president’s relations with Catholic
leaders reached their nadir, Father Stenzel, Mr.
Obama’s old smoke-break friend, visited the White
House. As they walked into the Oval Office, Mr. Obama
 joked to his staff that the priest had given him his
first office in Chicago. Father Stenzel reminded
him that his old surroundings were far humbler:
“The office I gave you had two rows of glass-block
windows!”
Pope Francis’ Impression
Mr. Obama’s parish days seemed far behind him
when he won re-election in 2012 with a slimmer
margin of Catholic votes. Not only did Catholic
conservatives view him as a secularist forcing them
to pay for contraceptives, but some of his old allies
in the church’s left wing criticized his use of
drones and lack of emphasis on the poor.
But the election of Pope Francis last March seemed
to breathe new life into the Catholic Church and,
potentially, into the relationship between Mr. Obama
and the institution that gave him his start. While
far from an ideological progressive, Francis does
sometimes appear cloaked in Cardinal Bernardin’s
“seamless garment.” His de-emphasis of issues like 
abortion and same-sex marriage and his championing
of the poor and vulnerable — articulated in his mission
statement, “The Joy of the Gospel” — have impressed
a second-term president who argues that income inequality undermines human dignity.
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“Whether you call that the ‘seamless garment’ or
‘the joy of the Gospel’ or what, I’ve said to the president I consider that a pretty Catholic way of looking at the world,” said Denis McDonough, the White House chief of staff, who is Roman Catholic. Mr. McDonough added that the community-organizer-turned-president had expressed admiration to him about “how important it is for the Holy Father to be so in the community.”
Last month, Catholic activists made their case
for social justice on Capitol Hill. Afterward, relaxing
over beers and a buffet in the Russell Senate Office
Building, they discussed whether Cardinal George,
who is retiring as archbishop of Chicago, would
be replaced by Archbishop Gregory, who helped
secure
Mr. Obama’s church grant application in the 1980s.
Among them was Mr. Lyke, the man who had received
coaching from Mr. Obama years earlier in the basement
of Holy Name Cathedral. He characterized Francis and
Mr. Obama as a match made in heaven.
Mr. Lyke’s view is not universal. Vatican officials have
made clear Mr. Obama will not get special treatment,
and leaders of the Catholic Campaign for Human
Development, also gathered in the Russell Building, saw
the coming papal audience as a chance for Mr. Obama to
return to the church’s social justice values, not the other way around.
Dylan Corbett, one of the Campaign for Human Development leaders, said the president was “welcome to the
conversation” that the pope was driving about income
inequality and poverty. He added with a grin, “We’re happy
to have him back, actually.”